Cox did not resign, nor was he cowed by the president's directive.

"In the end, Nixon did not even achieve the short-term tactical benefit the maneuver was designed to afford him.

A decision by the end of September would also give the Supreme Court a chance to hear the case upon its return on October 1.In mid-June Haig complained to Richardson after Cox told reporters he might subpoena the president.

So the White House decided to fire Cox.

It all depended on public attitudes—and they in turn depended on the public's reading of one man's character. It is plainly true that we put upon the Supreme Court the burden of deciding cases that would never come before the judicial branch in any other country.During the customary introduction of the Solicitor General to the members of the Court, Justice Frankfurter had an extended talk with his former student.

The White House would only say that it was studying the matter; Wright had already returned to Texas. Dean's lawyer made a compelling argument that the government could not proceed against him on the basis of the information he proffered during his plea negotiations with Silbert's prosecutors. During the course of the interview Petersen mentioned that Nixon had a tape of a conversation he had with Dean (during which Dean claimed the Justice Department was about to give him immunity). He then accepted a teaching position at In addition to his case book, he was the author of nearly a hundred scholarly articles.During his career at Harvard, Professor Cox was honored with the following chaired or university professorships:Throughout his life Cox was the recipient of numerous honorary degrees, including: M.A. As for the rest, only a generalized interest in protecting the confidentiality of presidential communications was asserted, and the court found that the particular need of the grand jury in this case overweighed that generalized interest.On Saturday October 13, Wright telephoned from Texas that the president should appeal to the Supreme Court.

Wright counseled rejection of Cox's counteroffer since he believed the president had a "50–50 chance" in the Supreme Court to win outright.At 8:30 a.m. on Friday October 19, the day of Nixon's deadline for appealing to the Supreme Court (otherwise the Court of Appeals decision would become final), Cox received a letter from Wright dated the previous night. The Senate Watergate committee was in competition for Dean's testimony,The president's new defense team was made up of one-time Democrat The president's legal team employed an approach that would become familiar: state an overly broad position, equivocate, delay, and then abruptly make partial concessions in the face of perceived popular disapproval. He was thinking of a $25,000 to $50,000 a day fine until the president complied.President Nixon asked the country to understand his firing an honest prosecutor so that he could get on with national security business. …But plainly there was more to that Saturday night and its aftermath. The people and the Congress rallied to the cause of a professor who, without a hint of anger, spoke mildly about our history and principles, and who made clear that what would happen to him was not an issue. "Cox spent the academic year from September 1974 to Spring 1975 at the University of Cambridge as the When Cox returned to Harvard in the Fall of 1975 he returned to teaching and writing full-time. "The other three were: that only Stennis would be involved, that there would be no "Special Masters" and that Cox himself would have no access to the tapes, only the summaries.Cox was unaware that Nixon had a bigger preoccupation. He relayed Nixon's feelings on national security, saying that Nixon told him that one tape had "national security information so highly sensitive that he did not feel free to hint to me what the nature of it is" despite Wright's full national security clearance. At 8:25 p.m. press secretary The actions of Nixon and his aides that night produced "results precisely the opposite to what the president and his lawyers had anticipated." Instead of discussing the press conference Vorenberg reminded Buzhardt of the documents requests. Cox and Vorenberg were concerned about leaks and whether confidential grand jury information was being misused.

Moreover, instead of exploiting Richardson's reputation for integrity to his own advantage (a key feature on which the plan was based), the president was forced to act in his own name, and Cox was able to draw Richardson to his side by defending him as honorable.

That weekend Sirica drafted an order to show cause why Nixon should not be held in contempt.

The dirty tricks task force of Richard Davis obtained a plea of guilty by It was the Krogh indictment that forced Richardson to have another meeting with Cox on October 12.



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